Sunday, November 13, 2011

Black Heart Magazine

Since the reading list to this blog is really only me, I won't feel shame or sheepish bragging about poem publications or acceptances.

In that vein, I had poem accepted in July to Black Heart Magazine. It was published around Oct. 15, 2011, though frankly with starting a new job, having a baby, and dealing with Hurricane Irene and then the terrible week-long power outage from that crazy October Winter Storm, the whole throwing-a-cupcake-party-for-myself thing got left by the wayside.

Nevertheless, Black Heart Magazine was gracious to publish a poem I wrote about, of all things, Charlie Sheen.


You can find the poem here.

Sunday, October 9, 2011

Losing Jobs

Or, "Oh Captain, Our Captain!"

On October 5, I received a sad e-mail from my college sailing friend Cindy. I suspected the contents of the e-mail merely by the subject: "Captain Hurst".

My suspicion proved accurate: "Hi everyone-- BD [our sailing coach] just called to let me know that Captain Hurst just passed away."

Captain Hurst was the first coach of the Dartmouth College Sailing Team, and a staple at home regattas years after other coaches took over the reigns. Together, Captain and Mrs. Hurst would show up to practices, with all sorts of different flavored, delicious cakes Mrs. Hurst had made for everyone--to celebrate the birthdays of that month. They were the stand-in grandparents for each member of the sailing team. They remembered our names--Mrs. Hurst was particularly good at remembering each of our names, no small feat for a team that in my time once exceeded fifty members.

That night, when I was in the kitchen, KJ and my parents yelled for me to come in to the living room. On TV, the news anchor was delivering the news that Steve Jobs had died.

I'm a "Mac guy," in the sense that I grew up on the IIc and IIe in elementary school, had a IIgs at home, had the first edition iMac in college, and I am writing this blog on my 2009 MacBook Pro. And yes, I have an iPhone and two different kinds of iPods. My wife is the same way, has an iPad, etc.

I like Steve Jobs for the same way the millions of us do: we equate him with Apple innovation, and of being a "hip" CEO, of giving us adults toys we can't fathom we could ever live without. And I'm a big PIXAR fan. I love the history of the company, and perhaps more than many I am at least familiar with Jobs' role in what is arguably the best animated studio the world has ever seen. And maybe ever will.

It is disingenuous, though, for me to claim that I knew what a wonderful human he was, or how smart, or forward thinking, or progressive he might have been (or not), or what a heroic American figure he is. I believe those things, but I'll let the experts wax poetic with more specifics.

The title of this blog, "Losing Jobs," especially considering the political nature of previous posts, might more appropriately be the title of some diatribe in which I blame a certain segment of the population for manipulating economic rules to their own gain at the cost of others' security. I'll return to those feelings later, perhaps. But not this moment.

What makes me write this particular blog entry is the feeling I have when I remember two men I knew--albeit in a very small way--or knew of. These are the first people whose names I knew who died after my daughter Louisa was born. And the sort of "one-two" punch of the news of two very different men's deaths affects me in a way I don't think it would have before I became a father.

Perhaps the one regret I cannot fully expunge comes from my knowing that the life my wife and I gave to our daughter means her inevitable death. I know it is an awful thought to have; Louisa is not yet three weeks old. But I can't shake the very real sadness that--whether it happens before or after I die--my daughter will die. And I don't really know anything about death, about a soul's prospect of an afterlife. I have my convictions and my suspicions, but I worry it is not fair to impose life--and therefore death--on a child based only on my convictions and suspicions. This is one of a number of uncertainties that makes fatherhood a mentally torturous experience.

I am glad I have a daughter. I love her with all my heart. And I would change nothing. But there is something significant to me about the deaths of two "great men," Steve Jobs whose impact on the world is visible and monumental, and Captain Hurst who was a Naval Captain and much more than just a grandfatherly figure to a bunch of well-to-do college preppies but was nonetheless a loving and caring and important person to those of us like me who knew him and who were blessed to know him and his wife.

Perhaps it is one of those trite moments to savor life and remember the good, and to look affectionately at my daughter and appreciate her potential.

Sunday, October 2, 2011

Two Satirical But Well-Informed Critiques

I saw these two images on Facebook recently, and I like the sentiments they imply.

What I really don't like is the various responses, many of which I consider wholly ignorant, by people in response to them. I appreciate that we together are individual threads comprising a great tapestry exhibiting--and strengthened by--diversity of thought. But I find myself with shrinking tolerance for political viewpoints that fail to realize that which I consider obvious.

Well, at least I realize that I am growing less forgiving.

Here's the first:

And here's the second:

Monday, August 29, 2011

The Pitching, Plummeting Prop Plane

When their prop plane faltered and started to drop altitude, Rhonda and Donna looked at each other in a panic. After first blaming each other, they collected their thoughts and tried to figure out how to save themselves. Donna spoke first.

“Before we go into a tailspin, I think we should rev up the engine and actually aim the nose down first. We’ll gain speed, which will help us from stalling, and that will give us more control. I am confident that will help us get the plane going again.”

Rhonda made it a point never to agree with Donna. She’d been drinking Tea like a March Hare, and the elixir had made her bold. “No way that is going to work,” she started. “Aiming the plane at the ground? That’s preposterous! You’ll have us both killed in no time. I have a foolproof idea. We need to aim the nose up, and we need to lose ballast—weight that’s only bringing us down.“

Donna looked at Rhonda inquisitively. “You mean little things, like these bags of peanuts?” She let go of the tiny package that she’d been trying in vain to open.

“No!” shouted Rhonda, as if she’d been insulted. “I mean real cuts. The big bulky things that are obviously failing us right now.”

“Like what?” Donna asked, almost too afraid to hear the answer.

“Like this worthless supply of parachutes.” She pointed over to the bin labeled ‘Life-Saving Equipment.’ “God knows, we won’t have time to appreciate or use this junk if we crash and burn!”

Donna opened her mouth to speak, but Rhonda spoke louder. “And this silly engine. You hear how it’s faltering? Best that we cut it out now before it kills us all. I say let’s disconnect the thing and throw it overboard. Less weight, and pointing the nose up. Basic physics, Donna. Basic physics.”

Donna begged for a moment to explain her own argument, but Rhonda wouldn’t listen. But Donna wouldn’t accept Rhonda’s plan either. They argued and argued, and of course came to no consensus. Meanwhile, the plane continued to sputter and drop.

And what happened to Rhonda and Donna? Well that depends on you.

Tuesday, August 2, 2011

Donna and Rhonda

Or, A Political Allegory About Congress and the Debt Ceiling


Two sisters Donna and Rhonda run a store together. Every night, they go out to dinner. They always overspend, and they always charge it to their credit card.

They eat well. They order lobster, champagne, and chocolate cake. At the end of the night, there is always lots of extra food, and every night they get big doggie bags to take to their parents who live in a nursing home.

One night, Rhonda had a drink of a special kind of Tea that made her act a bit unpredictable. When the bill came, Rhonda looked at the prices and had a moment of panic.

"That's too much money. We can't afford that!" Rhonda said.

Donna nodded. "I know. But we have to eat, right? I’ll grab the credit card."

Rhonda looked at the bill, as if this were the first time she had ever seen it. "No, we can't spend money like that. I'm not paying it."

"What?" asked Donna, with some shock. "But we just ate all this food! Of course we have to pay for it."

Rhonda took another sip of her Special Tea. "Nope." She crossed her arms. "I'm not paying for it."

Donna tried to explain that regardless of how expensive the bill might be, they both knew what the prices were when they first sat down at the restaurant. "I'm sorry," Donna said calmly, "but we have to pay for it. We don't have a choice."

Rhonda began to get indignant. "No. You and I are not going to keep paying this much for food."

"OK, but--"

"--No buts!"

"--But we have to!" Donna protested. "We already ordered and ate this stuff! You can't just NOT pay. That would have awful consequences. We might get into trouble with our credit. And besides, not paying for a meal, in addition to being harmful to the people who provided us with the food and who work at this restaurant, such behavior would be quite rude," Donna explained. Rhonda scowled.

Donna added, "Plus, we share our one account, and I think we should pay our bill."

Rhonda sat up in her seat. "Well I'm not allowing you to pay the bill unless we make some drastic changes."

Donna fidgeted. "Like…what?"

Rhonda folded her arms. "Like we are going to cut our meal budget drastically." She gave Donna a figure she had in mind.

Donna bolted up. "But that's impossible! Forget fancy dining, we won't even be able to buy food! And what about the doggie bags? Our parents rely on us to give them food every night."

Rhonda responded angrily, "Well they should have thought about that beforehand. We are not in the business of giving out handouts to people who can't feed themselves."

Donna interrupted Rhonda. "Actually," she said, "that is exactly what we do. We've been doing it every day for as long as I can remember."

Clearly Rhonda didn't care. She started ranting and raving that they were spending too much, and she made a long list of items to cut from their budget. Some of the items were things Donna cared about deeply, and many were items Donna was pretty sure were essential for the two of them. Donna pointed to one item. "My car? But that is how we get to work. How are we going to work if I don't pay my car bills?"

Rhonda closed her eyes and stuck her nose in the air. "I don't care," she said. "We can't afford it. So no car payments."

Donna swallowed hard. "But I have to have a car," she protested.

"No car."

Donna looked at the list again. "Hey," she said to her sister, realizing what was happening. "How come most of these cuts are things I use and care about? My flowers, and my air conditioner and my water filter? What about you? How about cutting back on your collection of toy soldiers and water guns? Or how about cutting back on your pet project of that fence you're building? All it does is block the neighbors from coming over to help take care of our gardens. Let’s be honest, you and I don’t want to do all that work ourselves."

Rhonda became indignant. "These things are a matter of our security!" she yelled.

Donna huffed. “Well, at the store where we work you are always giving huge discounts and deals to some of the wealthier business owners who come in to shop for supplies. It seems like they are paying even less than some of the other people who buy stuff at our store.”

Rhonda almost screamed. “Absolutely not! That is definitely off the table! If we charged those business people any more, they wouldn’t be able to run their businesses! It’s the very rich people like them who build nice restaurants like this and who hire everyone else to work for them. I refuse to even talk to you if you are going to try and squeeze any more money from my rich friends.”

Looking around the restaurant, Donna had a moment of clarity. "Wait a minute. This is not about anything involving the rest of our spending habits. This is only about our dinner. We ordered food. The bill is here. We have to pay it. End of story. We've got to put it on our credit card."

Donna and Rhonda fought back and forth. The arguing got pretty heated and pretty loud, and they fought even until the very last minute the restaurant was open. Couples at other tables in the restaurant were baffled. They sneered and mocked the utter silliness of the situation.

In the end, Rhonda kept many of her toys and she kept giving discounts to the wealthy business people who shop at their store. And Donna had to explain to their parents why she and Rhonda wouldn't bring them food any more and, because she was going to have to sell her car, why they were no longer going to visit or be able to bring them flowers.

Saturday, July 30, 2011

A Conversation With God

Greg (out of breath after running to the phone): Hello?

God (agitated to have had to wait for the third ring): Greg. This is God. Why haven’t you answered my calls?

Greg: Uh—this is God? Yeah, Okay. Tim, is that you?

God: What? No. This is God!—Look, I don’t have time for your poorly timed wit which I gave to you when you were born. Now shut up and listen.

Greg: O…K—

God: I said ‘Shut up.’ Now hear Me out. I’ve got an important message for you to deliver to the world. I need you to go out into the country and spread My message. It is an important message, and you will be criticized and shunned, and possibly stoned in your hometown. But you must complete this task for Me.

Greg: Uh, stoned? Listen, God, I swear I haven’t touched that stuff since—

God: What did I just say about your poorly timed wit? And since I see and know all, I know you are thinking about cracking an awful joke referencing George Burns and John Denver or Bill Cosby’s Noah skit. Don’t go there.

Greg (sheepishly): I’m sorry, God.

God: Now—some people in your land have recently blasphemed by claiming I have been speaking to them, encouraging them to run for King of the United States.

Greg: You mean President?

God: Oh yeah, President. OK, to be honest, I don’t really pay too much attention to you guys. King, President, Prime Minister, First Person, whatever you call it. Truthfully, even I, who am omniscient and omnipresent, am not in the business of talking to people, especially politicians. To be clear, I have not talked to anyone about running for President. Ever. But I want you to lie and tell everyone that they are right, that indeed I have been speaking to Rick Perry, to Michele Bachmann, to Tim Pawlenty and to Newt Gingrich. Tell the world that I heartily endorse all their candidacies—simultaneously.

Greg: But why not tell the truth? Won’t the truth, you know, set us free or something? You don’t want me to spread your message of love and peace, or—

God: Hell, no. Don’t you get news feeds on your Twitter account? World peace? You’re on your own. Or, to put it plainly, I have a sense of wit that you cannot possibly understand. Though it makes the Mkklthrongs of Gaitoporopo IV laugh hysterically.

Greg: So, do you want me to, like, e-mail their campaigns? Or go on TV?

God: Yeah, yeah. Do that. The TV thing.

Greg: But why will anyone care?

God: They won’t. That’s the point. Look, I’m talking to you, right? But anyone who believes you would be a damn fool.

Greg: OK, I’ll call the local station.

God: Hey—you know what? Scratch that. Start small. Publish a transcript of this conversation on your silly blog. Watch and see what happens.

Greg (smirking): How very meta.

God: What did I tell you about that terrible wit of yours? Oh, and while you’re at it, tell everyone there’s nothing special about the Mayan calendar, or 2012, or any such nonsense. I’m not done with your world yet. I still need you guys to finish work on the Higgs boson particle and to discover for yourselves the ridiculously easy formula for solving the Riemann hypothesis. Seriously. It’s child’s play. Plus, the Intergalactic Council specifically prohibits smiting a species of only three dimensions until their drunkest and least educated have been sufficiently probed in the middle of the night and have had a chance to broadcast their stories via satellite cable to skeptics and to believers alike. You know, as it has been written: “Whatever you bind in the Intergalactic Council will be bound in heaven,” and all that. Anyway, your species has got a while. Now get off this phone and get to work!

Greg: Uh, yes sir—or—ma’am—or God—

(Click!)

Greg: Hello? Hello?

Friday, July 29, 2011

Argument Against Jumping Off the Cliff

Why the U.S. Congress Must Raise the National Debt Ceiling

What follows is a simple discourse. This is not meant to be a political statement, and while this essay is inspired by a distinct political leaning, I do not intend to deride one philosophy of government or champion another. Nor am I armed with authoritative degrees in economics or political philosophy. The several college level economics classes I have taken should not belie my rudimentary understanding of this particular branch of knowledge. I do hope, however, that a reader with even a high school level understanding of economic conditions—as I have—should understand and be sympathetic to my arguments and my conclusion. A little learning is a dangerous thing.(1) And I am not the person to determine how much, or for how long, or with what conditions our elected officials must act. Nevertheless, I am convinced that the U.S. Congress must raise the debt ceiling before August 2, 2011.

Inarguably, the national debt is a terrible burden on our country. It is neither healthy nor good practice to put off addressing the issue. At 14.3 trillion dollars (2), it is a millstone that will negatively affect our economy probably longer than most of us will live—which of course makes this our children’s problem, and our children’s children’s problem. It is entirely possible that no matter what happens in the next week, we may never—ever—completely rid ourselves of a national debt. Consider: though the debt has sometimes decreased over our history, we have never fully paid off our debt since Andrew Jackson was President of the United States.(3)

I am going to write with overarching generalizations. This is for the sake of simplicity. I hope, as you read this, you will tolerate my ignoring nuances of political philosophy.

Very generally, the liberals’ (Democrats’) philosophy of government is that its central role is to ensure the welfare (meaning well-being) of the state and of its citizens. In particular, the philosophy assumes that a central government is necessary to the model. Today, that philosophy generally aligns with accepting or tolerating certain unwanted redundancies and inefficiencies in government to guarantee care for those who need it, and to preserve stability in the economy. To liberals, government is there as a check against inequalities of the free market, especially against conditions that make the playing field—in their eyes—unbalanced.

Very generally (still), conservatives (Republicans, Tea Party) consider the national debt symptomatic of big government, which they consider anathema. Fair enough. You don’t have to be a Facebook fan of Glenn Beck to conceptualize redundancies in government, or to observe programs that prima facie seem without merit or that overreach and maybe shouldn’t be within federal purview.

But these are constant arguments—What is the role of government? How large should it be? and, Who should pay for it and how?

Arguments over the debt ceiling actually are not related to this perfectly healthy, democratic debate.

A casual television viewer today might assume that liberals (Democrats) want to increase the debt ceiling in order to pay for more (and desirable) social programs, and that conservatives (Republicans to some degree but especially Tea Party members) want to avoid raising the debt ceiling in order to avoid paying for more (and undesirable) social programs.

Conservatives (at least conservative Republicans) are not by nature opposed to the debt ceiling either, however. When George W. Bush was president, Congress raised the debt ceiling enough times to settle any dispute on the matter. The national debt ceiling was raised 7 times during his tenure.(4) That quantity might even be less important than the amount of money by which the ceiling was raised: from $5.95 trillion to $11.315 trillion. Under Reagan’s tenure as president, the debt was raised 18 times, from $935.1 billion to $2.8 trillion. For now, let’s table the notion that increasing or lowering the debt ceiling is a partisan issue.

So why do we care about the debt ceiling now?

Short answer is it is probably a political issue. This isn’t really the fault of the party not controlling the executive branch of government. Historical precedent and common practice dictates—maybe even demands—that the party out of power do what it can to make the party in power look bad and lose the next election. Of course, the complete answer must be far more complex and nuanced. Perhaps only now do we have the fresh faces with uncompromising wills to forego “traditional” or “insider” or “beltway” politics and “fight for the common people.” All of which is well and good. Without thinking too hard on it, I am inclined to think regular turnover of our legislatures is a healthy habit.

But I remain convinced of my main arguments:

1. Failure of Congress to act will result in permanent damage to our status as a lead nation.
2. Lowering the national debt is not our most pressing issue.
3. Success in lowering the national debt will have an inverse effect on improving the economy.

Let us be clear on one detail that I assume is a common misconception. Raising the debt ceiling does not straightaway allow for spending on new programs, social or otherwise. The potential problem created by a debt ceiling is that it prevents the federal government from paying money it already owes. This does not—repeat not—have to do with allowing for new funding or for spending it (frivolously or responsibly or whatever) on new things. It has only to do with bills that we (the people, the government) have already accrued.

So say what you will about whether to amend or maintain programs that pay for most of the country’s medical residents and nursing home workers, funds that pay for upkeep of our interstate highways, federally funded bridges and our national parks, agencies that build and maintain federal dams, departments that oversee the regulation of clean air, of clean water, and those that oversee financial markets in order to help prevent economic disasters resulting from corporate greed. Say what you will about the departments that help dispose of our nuclear waste, or coordinate aviation traffic, or maintain the satellites that give us our weather forecasts. Say what you will about federal programs that help people secure loans to buy houses, to attend colleges and graduate schools, to support infants of indigent single mothers. Say what you will about soldiers overseas in Afghanistan, in Iraq, in the Mediterranean, on the Korean peninsula, in the United Kingdom, in Germany, in Japan, in Kuwait, in Cuba, on the horn of Africa, in western South America, in Indonesia, in Haiti and in dozens more foreign countries.(5)

Say what you will about our nation’s war veterans.

Raising the debt ceiling is the only way to fulfill the promises we have already made to them.

But so what? What happens if we just don’t pay those bills?

It is possible that nothing significant will happen, especially in the short-term, and especially if the default is short-lived. In all likelihood, though, something irrevocably damaging will happen immediately, and the circle of disaster will widen the longer our nation is—for the first time in its history—in default of its loans. I’m no psychic, nor doomsday prophet. But any of the following might occur:

Our nation’s credit rating will be downgraded. It is possible that this is already inevitable. What this means is that it will be more difficult to borrow money. But since our current system—as broken as you like—is dependent in the near and far future on loans, failure to adjust the debt ceiling will almost certainly mean damage to our economy in the short-term. Unemployment will almost certainly increase (get worse). We may experience what economists call a “double-dip” recession, where employment goes down for a significant period of time (as it has), then starts to recover (as it may be doing), then sinks again for another significant period of time. That time might be half a year, or two years, or a decade. Or more. No one can know.

Complete dissolution of the United States as a counterweight against worldwide catastrophe—economically and militarily. Like it or not, a consequence of a global economy is that we sink and swim together. See no further than the tsunami and subsequent nuclear disaster in Japan and its impact on companies in the United States to realize how interdependent our country is on others. That is at least a sufficient reason for our recent military involvement in Libya (or any other country where we have or have had a military presence).

People will die. Depending on how it shakes out, the absence of certain government programs might prevent keeping alive certain people who are dependent on medicine, doctors or treatments that are keeping them alive. And if world economies collapse, that may trigger famine, which may trigger revolt, which may trigger conflict, which may trigger large-scale international war. I’m not saying this is inevitable. I hope it’s not even likely. But I can’t see how it’s not possible. And that means it’s on the table.

Congressmen, news reporters, bloggers and even citizens passively observing the current political quagmire have latched onto the phrase “heading for the cliff” when referencing the consequence of this potential impasse. I think of it more as a meteor hurtling toward our planet. It might be a near miss, as we experienced literally on June 27 of this year.(6) Or it might hit, the extent of the damage as yet unknown. But whether it is on the order of Tunguska or of Chicxulub remains to be seen.(7)(8) The difference here is that Congress controls our destiny. Let us hope they have the collective power to prevent any degree of disaster.

So if this is such a potential disaster, what is the holdup?

Led by the belief of the Tea Party (and others) that the national debt is the biggest current crisis and the principal obstacle to economic reform, the two houses of Congress have thus far been unable to agree to any lasting solution. Again, this is based on the philosophy that big government is wasteful, that it inhibits economic progress, and that it must be stopped at all cost.

The go-to analogy seems to compare the federal coffers to a family bank account. Perhaps the most cogent financial practice for a family is to avoid overspending. Don’t run up an unnecessary debt. Don’t overspend. Don’t live beyond your means. Though even in financially sound families, this generally doesn’t hold for the purchase of big-ticket items. Most people can’t write a check to buy a car outright, or certainly not a house, or to pay for college. Those often require loans. So the logic is amended in these cases. Don’t take on loans unless you’re sure you can pay them. I certainly couldn’t pay in cash for my car when I bought it. But I needed it for my job. I assumed I would keep my job at least long enough to pay off the car loans. I did. But I knew I shouldn’t be spending disposable income lavishly. So no fancy trips to Europe. No eating out at restaurants every night. No throwing away clothes or furniture that still had use left in them.

In principal, this seems a sound argument on the national scale. Don’t pay for programs unless you have the funds (in reserve or from taxes) to pay for them. And up to a point that is a very good, sound, argument. But the analogy falls apart when considering the natural ebbs and flows of the market. A single person, or a family, should not spend money it doesn’t have. If I can’t afford it, I simply can’t, or won’t, eat at my favorite restaurant. But part of the job of the federal government—I think people will agree, regardless of political affiliation—is to maintain economic stability. This means it is the last line of defense against inflation and unemployment.

How does our federal government combat inflation?

The Federal Reserve System. The modern iteration of the Federal Reserve opened in 1914 to insure against financial panics.(9) It became the “lender of last resort.” Its job is to manage the stable expansion of our economy.(10)

How does our federal government combat unemployment?

In part, in creates and enhances work programs. It acts as a lender to revenue generating entities when banks and private lenders cannot afford to take those risks. In short, it spends money when no one else has it. That spending stimulates the economy. By giving workers money, it provides them the means to spend—hopefully within the economy. That money goes to someone else, who then has money to spend. It works to increase the volume of money in the economy and the velocity at which that money moves through consumers.

Conservatives and Liberals debate who should get that money first. Conservatives tend to defend the “trickle-down” method. It may be a pejorative term, but the concept, based on the supply-side macroeconomic school, is to give wealthy people and/or business owners money (perhaps in the form of tax breaks) to enhance and grow their businesses, which will employ more lower wage workers who will spend money on goods and services, and the economy will thus improve. Liberals tend to defend the opposite theory, that investing in lower wage workers directly will best provide them the means to invest in the economy by purchasing goods and services, which helps the business owners who provide them, and thereby improves every economic level that way. Again, here is not the place to end that debate. What is crucial to understand is that from both perspectives, in a bad economy, it is the job of the government to spend capital, to be the driving force that impels the economy toward recovery. Simply put, the agreed upon theory is that the federal government must spend during a recession in order to help the economy recover.

So the argument about the debt ceiling really comes down to one question: Which is more important now, improving our economy or reducing our national debt?

We must always pay our debts when they are due. But the best time to lower the principal and to work toward lowering, even eliminating, our national debt is when we are at the other end of the economic cycle. It would have been great to do it over the last decade when we were in the boom part of the cycle. It would have been great to do it in the eighties when we experienced unprecedented growth. We didn’t. Perhaps that means we will never be disciplined enough to deal with the problem. We need to be most disciplined at the most opportune time. Unfortunately, at the nadir of recent economic prosperity is not an appropriate time, lest we forego any chance of improving the economy and giving ourselves an opportunity to correctly address our national debt.

I agree that the national debt is a terrible burden to our society. But I also agree that the federal government has a responsibility to invest in its people to improve and stabilize our economy. Where I think people have it wrong is in their assumption that both problems can be fixed simultaneously. They cannot. Solving our national debt means making unprecedented cuts in precisely the programs the government needs to stimulate the economy, not to mention prevent it from causing a double-dip recession, possibly a long-term depression with dire consequences for our international authority and for our ability to continue to be a stabilizing force in the global economy. And focusing on the economy surely means exacerbating the national debt. But holding the line on the debt ceiling, let’s not forget, doesn’t even mean growing our involvement in federal programs. It means not taking care of, and not settling our debts with, the programs we already have. To violate our word, our bond, while ignoring—even harming—our efforts to improve the economy is such a more immediate problem that not raising the debt ceiling isn’t a mere political maneuver. Not raising the debt ceiling is the forfeiture of our nation’s good name, of our standing as an economic global leader, and it creates direct, intentional harm to the people of our nation. It is the bigger issue.


1. http://poetry.eserver.org/essay-on-criticism.html
2. http://www.usdebtclock.org/
3. http://www.davemanuel.com/2009/07/11/when-was-the-last-time-that-the-united-states-had-zero-federal-debt/
4. http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2011/jul/26/barack-obama/obama-says-reagan-raised-debt-ceiling-18-times-geo/
5. http://usgovinfo.about.com/gi/o.htm?zi=1/XJ&zTi=1&sdn=usgovinfo&cdn=newsissues&tm=17&f=00&su=p284.9.336.ip_&tt=2&bt=1&bts=1&zu=http://www.heritage.org/Research/NationalSecurity/cda04-11.cfm
6. http://www.geek.com/articles/geek-cetera/asteroid-to-pass-earth-closer-than-the-moon-today-20110627/
7. http://www.universetoday.com/37487/tunguska-event/
8. http://www.jpl.nasa.gov/news/features.cfm?feature=8
9. http://www.newyorkfed.org/aboutthefed/history_article.html
10. http://www.investopedia.com/articles/08/fight-recession.asp#axzz1TVq4kp5M

Addendum:

Here are some good reads regarding the debt crisis:

One blogger's “ten craziest things about the debt-ceiling crisis.”
CNN’s basic account of what the debt ceiling IS.
Another tempered account, from a business perspective, on potential consequences and their various likelihoods of occurring.
The Treasury Secretary’s two cents on the interference of politics on this economic issue.